《The History of Tea Culture Exchange between China and Japan》Ⅰ

Preface

The cultural exchange between China and Japan has a long, profound, and rich history, deeply influencing both countries over centuries. Among the many fascinating chapters of this exchange is the interaction between Chinese and Japanese tea cultures. However, little systematic and in-depth research has been conducted on this topic in the past.

Ms. Teng Jun, who studied in Japan for many years, has devoted herself to researching and practicing Japanese tea culture, gaining deep insights into its essence. She has authored works such as “Introduction to Japanese Tea Culture” (in Chinese) and “The Journey from Tea to Tea Ceremony: A Study of the Ideological Background of Tea Culture” (in Japanese), which analyze Japanese tea culture from the perspectives of cultural and intellectual history. Her expertise in this field has made her a rare authority on Japanese tea culture among Chinese students in Japan. After returning to China, she began teaching in the Japanese Department at Peking University, offering courses on Sino-Japanese cultural exchange and lectures on Japanese tea culture, which have been widely welcomed by her students.

To answer questions about how Sino-Japanese tea culture historically interacted and what differentiates the tea cultures of the two nations, Ms. Teng continued her research, dedicating four years to writing the book “A History of Sino-Japanese Tea Culture Exchange.” This book provides an extensive examination of historical facts and vivid examples to explore and analyze the history of tea culture exchange, dissemination, and mutual influence between China and Japan. Furthermore, it compares and contrasts the similarities and differences between the two tea cultures. The book concludes that both Chinese and Japanese tea cultures embody common characteristics such as the philosophy of harmony between humans and nature, Eastern philosophical principles, and cultural integration. At the same time, it reveals significant differences in their historical origins, types of tea consumed, tea preparation methods, tea utensils, participants, and related cultural aspects.

One of the key findings is that Chinese tea culture evolved from practical use to spiritual significance, while Japanese tea culture developed from spiritual practice to practical applications. Chinese tea culture is deeply rooted in Daoist philosophy, emphasizing health and longevity, whereas the spirit of Japanese tea culture is profoundly shaped by Zen Buddhism. These conclusions are insightful and offer a new perspective on the history of tea culture.

As Ms. Teng writes in her book, Sino-Japanese tea culture is not only a product of cultural exchange between the two nations but also a contribution by the people of China and Japan to the world’s cultural heritage. Her work, in turn, can be seen as a generous gift to tea culture enthusiasts and researchers in both countries and around the globe.

With this foundation, we delve into the early stages of Sino-Japanese tea culture exchange, beginning with “The Origins of Japanese Tea and Cultural Exchange Before the Sui and Tang Dynasties” and “Tea Culture Exchange During the Sui and Tang Dynasties.” These periods mark the initial points of cultural interaction that laid the groundwork for the flourishing tea cultures in both countries.

In the next section, we will explore how tea first arrived in Japan, the debates over whether tea plants were native to Japan or introduced from China, and the influence of China’s expanding tea tree cultivation areas on the eastward spread of tea. Additionally, we will examine the thriving cultural exchanges during the Sui and Tang dynasties, including why tea cakes were not preserved in Japan’s Shosoin and how Tang China’s vibrant tea culture profoundly influenced early Japanese tea practices.

Chapter 1: The Theory of Japan’s Native Tea and Sino-Japanese Cultural Exchange Before the Sui and Tang Dynasties

Section 1: Sino-Japanese Cultural Exchange Before the Sui and Tang Dynasties

Modern Japan, an island nation separated from the Eurasian continent by the Korea Strait, was not always isolated. During four ice ages over the past 300,000 years, Japan was connected to the continent via land bridges in the Korea Strait. During these periods, prehistoric humans living on the continent freely traveled between the two regions, bringing native Eurasian flora and fauna to the Japanese islands. However, around 12,000 years ago, the last ice age ended, and the land bridges melted, leaving Japan isolated as an island nation. This geographic separation slowed Japan’s pace of civilizational development, but it also allowed for the unique evolution of its culture.

Even so, over the past 12,000 years, Japan and the continent were not completely cut off. Three routes likely facilitated prehistoric exchanges between China and Japan:

1. The Sea Route Along the Japan Sea Current (Northern Route):
   The northern route followed the circular current of the Japan Sea. The Liman Current flows south from the Tatar Strait along the Vladivostok coast to the East Korean Bay, where it meets the Tsushima Current heading northward through the Korea Strait. These two currents converge, forming a circular current along the western coast of Japan up to the Tsugaru Strait. This natural sea current facilitated human and material exchanges between both sides. Archaeological discoveries confirm that early humans on both sides of the Japan Sea used identical stone tools. For example, 2,000 years ago, bronze bells from oxen collars in Korea were brought to Japan, influencing the emergence of bronze bell worship in 3rd-century Japan. This route made it relatively easy for continental ships to reach Japan but difficult for Japanese ships to return to the continent, resulting in asymmetrical information flow.
2. The Kuroshio Current Route (Eastern Route):
   A powerful warm current known as the Kuroshio Current flows northward from the seas near the Philippines along the eastern Eurasian continental shelf, eventually reaching Japan. Occasionally, coastal Chinese residents experiencing shipwrecks could drift along the Kuroshio Current to Japan, carrying with them cultural practices from the continent. However, exchanges along this route were sporadic and accidental.
3. The Tsushima Island Route (Central Route):
   A more direct route was via Tsushima Island, located nearly midway across the Korea Strait. The island lies about 50 kilometers from the Korean Peninsula and 46 kilometers from Iki Island in Japan. Although the route was the shortest, navigating it was challenging due to strong tidal currents of up to 24 nautical miles per day. This route required advanced seafaring tools and navigation skills, and it was not systematically used until around the 3rd century BCE. During this period, the introduction of wet rice cultivation from the continent led to profound changes in Japanese society, including social stratification, the emergence of centralized authority, and the formation of a state. These developments ended the millennia-long stasis of Japan’s primitive society.

Starting from the 3rd century BCE, immigrants from the Chinese continent began arriving in Japan in large numbers, bringing with them agricultural seeds, tools, and technologies. According to legend, the Chinese alchemist Xu Fu led a group of 3,000 young men and women, along with craftsmen and agricultural tools, to Japan in search of the elixir of life, establishing settlements and never returning. Historical records also document that in the early 5th century, the Qin clan, claiming descent from the First Emperor of Qin, immigrated to Japan. The Qin clan specialized in agriculture, sericulture, and weaving, and Emperor Yuryaku (reigned 456–479) entrusted them with overseeing agriculture and sericulture in his court. Similarly, in the 6th century, the Wang clan, descendants of Chinese settlers in the Korean Peninsula, moved to Japan and became responsible for administrative tasks such as tax collection and record-keeping for the Yamato court. During the same period, Chinese artisans sent directly by the Southern Dynasties of China introduced advanced clothing designs to Japan, and in the 7th century, Buddhist artisans such as the Sima clan immigrated to Japan. A bronze statue of the Shakyamuni triad created by the sculptor Tori Busshi of the Sima clan became a landmark of Japan’s cultural development in the 7th century.

In summary, as Chinese civilization matured, waves of advanced culture flowed into Japan, influencing every aspect of Japanese society, from politics and thought to religion, art, and daily life.

This raises the question: did tea and tea culture also spread to Japan during this period, that is, before the Sui and Tang dynasties? Before addressing this question, it is necessary to explore the theories of Japan’s “native tea” versus “introduced tea.”

Section 2: Japan’s “Native Tea Theory” vs. “Imported Tea Theory”

The “Native Tea Theory”

Currently, vast areas of unmanaged wild tea grow naturally across Kyushu, Shikoku, and Honshu in Japan. These wild tea plants are commonly found in the remote mountains, far from the coastline, thriving in dense clusters. Some of these tea trees reach heights of two to three meters. Notably, when cedar or cypress forests are cleared, tea plants quickly proliferate across the exposed ground, forming natural “tea gardens.” (See Figure 1-1.) These observable phenomena have led some to propose the idea that tea is native to Japan.

Proponents of the “native tea theory” provide the following arguments:

1. Climatic Similarities to China’s Tea-Producing Regions:
   The regions where wild tea grows in Japan share a climate similar to the major tea-producing regions of China. The evergreen species common in these areas, such as those in the camellia family, have thick, elastic, and glossy leaves. These regions are also conducive to rice cultivation. Since wild tea grows in China’s Yunnan, Guizhou, Guangdong, Sichuan, and Fujian provinces, it is reasonable to consider Japan’s western regions part of this distribution.
2. Ancient Tea Processing and Consumption Practices in Japan:
   In areas where wild tea grows in Japan, unique tea-making and tea-drinking habits have been preserved. These include:
   • Collecting tea branches and leaves, roasting them directly over a fire, and immediately boiling them to make tea.
   • Sun-drying tea leaves before boiling them.
   • Blanching fresh tea leaves in boiling water, fermenting them in wooden barrels, drying them, and then preparing compressed tea for brewing.
   • Stir-frying fresh leaves in a heated pan before steeping them as tea.
     These methods differ significantly from modern Japanese practices, such as steaming, kneading, and steeping tea, and appear crude and ancient in comparison.
3. Geographical Distribution of Wild Tea in High Altitudes:
   Wild tea grows in remote and high-altitude areas, contrasting with cultivated tea, which is usually planted at lower elevations. For instance, in Kyushu, wild tea is typically found at altitudes of 900–1,000 meters, while cultivated tea gardens are located at 500–600 meters. Similarly, in Aichi Prefecture, wild tea grows at 500–600 meters, whereas cultivated tea gardens are established at 300–400 meters. These differences reinforce the belief in Japan’s “native tea theory.”

Based on these observations, the “native tea theory” has been discussed in Japan since the 17th century. Notable works advocating this theory include “Honchō Shokukan” by Hitomi Hitsudai (1697), “Butsurui Hinshi” by Hiraga Gennai (1763), “Chayuen Kanka” by Nomura Nobuhide (1873), “Chayō Tsūkan” by Murayama Shizuka (1900), “Survey Report on Wild Tea” by Taniguchi Kumanosuke (1936), and “The White Mountain Camellia” by Yanagita Kunio. According to this theory, tea plants reached Japan before the last ice age ended 12,000 years ago, but they were not utilized until Chinese tea-drinking methods were introduced around the 8th century.

The “Imported Tea Theory”

With the advancement of tea science after World War II, the “native tea theory,” based mainly on subjective and intuitive observations, was gradually refuted. Tea science experts such as Matsushita Satoshi and Hashimoto Minoru proposed the “imported tea theory,” which can be summarized in four key points:

1. The Localized Nature of Wild Tea Suggests Human Intervention:
   Tea plants are absent from untouched primary forests in Japan and are mainly found in secondary forests on previously cultivated land. They tend to grow in clusters with obvious localized distribution, showing little evidence of natural propagation. This suggests that human activity played a significant role in the spread of tea plants. Japanese monks who studied in China during the Tang, Song, and Yuan dynasties likely brought back tea seeds or saplings to Japan. Even if they didn’t bring seeds themselves, monks who observed tea-drinking customs in China or became tea enthusiasts may have promoted tea cultivation upon their return. Monks often established temples in remote mountains, modeled after Chinese monasteries, and planted tea in nearby gardens. Some of these temples were later abandoned, leaving behind unmanaged tea gardens that grew wild.For example, the renowned monk Eisai Myōan (1141–1215) returned from China in 1191 and immediately planted tea seeds in Hirado, Kyushu, where he landed. He later planted seeds in Mount Seburi on his journey to Kyoto and finally gave seeds to the monk Myoe (1173–1232) at Kōzan-ji Temple in Kyoto. The tea gardens in these three locations remain to this day, with tea plants growing individually, unlike the long rows characteristic of modern mechanized tea gardens, resembling wild tea plants instead. Another historical factor contributing to localized wild tea distribution is the migration of the Heike clan. After their defeat by the Genji clan in 1183, the Heike retreated to remote mountains in Shikoku and Kyushu. To sustain themselves, they cultivated tea, which later grew wild when abandoned.
2. Regional Tea-Drinking Practices and Historical Pirate Activities:
   Regions with unique tea-drinking customs, such as stir-fried or compressed tea, often show isolated practices limited to specific villages rather than widespread areas. For instance, only residents of Kotohira Village in Kagawa Prefecture consume compressed tea, though they don’t produce it themselves; instead, it is supplied by Nagaoka Village in Kochi Prefecture, whose residents do not drink this tea. This suggests connections to 14th–16th century pirate (wakō) activities. Wakō groups, comprising Japanese, Korean, and Chinese members, had bases along the coasts of Kyushu and Shikoku. Their tea-making and drinking methods were localized and popularized among common people, differing from the mainstream tea-drinking customs of Kyoto, which aligned with those of China’s Chang’an (Xi’an) and Lin’an (Hangzhou).
3. Wild Tea’s Coexistence with Economic Crops:
   Wild tea often grows in areas previously cultivated for economic crops like cedar, cypress, or mulberry, all of which have high commercial value. This suggests that some wild tea was once cultivated as an economic crop. For example, during Japan’s green tea export boom in the early 20th century, tea gardens were widely established. When exports declined due to competition from India and Sri Lanka, many tea gardens were converted to grow other crops. After these trees were harvested, tea plants, known for their resilience, proliferated under renewed sunlight and formed dense clusters.
4. Genetic Evidence Linking Japanese Tea to China:
   Scientific analysis of Japanese tea plants, including their shape, leaves, flowers, fruit, and genetic makeup, indicates that both wild and cultivated Japanese tea originated from China’s Yunnan province. This genetic evidence is a critical basis for refuting the “native tea theory.”

Section 3: The Expansion of Chinese Tea Tree Distribution and Its Impact on the Eastward Spread of Tea

The propagation and spread of China’s original tea trees began in the Yunnan-Guizhou Plateau and gradually expanded outward. Regarding this, Yao Guokun pointed out:

“Tea trees originated during the early Tertiary period of the Cenozoic Era (approximately 50 million years ago) with the central origin being the neighboring regions of Yunnan, Guizhou, and Sichuan provinces. Due to geological changes starting in the mid-Tertiary, including the Himalayan orogeny and the uplift of the southwest platform and the Hengduan Mountains, by the Quaternary period (about 12,000 years ago), the original tea tree habitat had become part of the Yunnan-Guizhou Plateau. The elevation, combined with the glaciation and fluvial deposits of that time, formed mountainous valleys characterized by folds and fractures. This created a vertical climate that allowed tropical species in the same area to experience a range of climates, including tropical, subtropical, temperate, and even cold zones. As a result, tea trees developed a phenomenon of ‘same-origin separation.’

After the separation, tea trees adapted to their respective geographic and climatic conditions over a long period, leading to physiological changes and metabolic adaptations. Over time, tea trees evolved to suit their environments, giving rise to different ecological types of tea.”

Simultaneously, tea trees began a process of natural propagation. The original tea tree distribution gradually expanded from the Yunnan-Guizhou Plateau to modern Sichuan, Guangxi, Guangdong, Fujian, Hunan, and Hubei provinces. For example, Yunnan is home to wild, large-leafed arbor tea trees; Guangxi, Guangdong, and Hunan have medium-leafed wild semi-arbor tea trees; and southern Sichuan and northern Guizhou are known for medium-leafed wild shrub tea trees.

However, because the original tea tree habitat was far removed from the cultural and economic centers of ancient Chinese civilization, the use of tea remained in a primitive and undeveloped state for a long time.

Tea’s Initial Role as Medicine

It is well known that tea was initially valued not as a beverage but as an herbal medicine. For tea to transition into widespread use, it required a foundation in Chinese medical theory, which likely emerged in areas where the habitat of wild tea trees overlapped with the cultural reach of ancient Chinese civilization. This appears to have been the case.

According to Zhu Zizhen in A Preliminary Exploration of Tea History, tea was first utilized in Sichuan, the region where the native growth of tea trees intersected with the expansion of ancient Chinese civilization. This development occurred after the Zhou Dynasty’s conquest of the Shang Dynasty, which brought the troops of the Ba and Shu regions into closer contact with central China.

The earliest written record of tea as a product appears in the Book of Han: Biography of Wang Bao. The text documents that by the Western Han Dynasty, Chengdu had already become a hub for tea distribution and consumption. Tea was not only a popular drink among the general population but was also served with dedicated tea utensils in the homes of wealthy landowners. Further evidence comes from the Western Jin Dynasty poet Zhang Zai, who praised both the cityscape of Chengdu and its tea culture in his poem Climbing the Chengdu Tower. Additionally, Zhang Yi of the Three Kingdoms period, in his work Guang Ya, described the practice of collecting tea leaves in the Jing and Ba regions, compressing them into cakes, and boiling them with scallions and ginger. These accounts suggest that from the Qin and Han periods to the Western Jin, Sichuan was China’s earliest center for tea production and consumption.

The Spread of Tea Culture During the Southern and Northern Dynasties

During the Southern and Northern Dynasties, tea culture originating in Sichuan expanded throughout southern China, aided by the integration of Chu, Wu, and Yue cultures. However, tea culture did not develop significantly in northern China due to the division of southern and northern regimes, which hindered cultural exchange. This situation began to change during the Sui and Tang dynasties, but the uneven spread of tea culture profoundly affected its eastward transmission.

Why Tea Did Not Spread to Japan Before the Sui and Tang Dynasties

Before the Sui and Tang dynasties, interactions between China and Japan were mostly limited to northern regions. Prominent figures who engaged with the Japanese during this period—such as Xu Fu, who sailed from Shandong to Japan; Emperor Guangwu of the Han, who presented the King of Wa with a golden seal; and Emperor Ming of Wei, who granted Queen Himiko the title “Queen of Wa, Friend of Wei”—likely had no knowledge of tea. Therefore, it was impossible for tea culture to spread eastward during this time.

Similarly, from 425 to 478 CE, Japan’s Yamato court sent five successive rulers (San, Chin, Sai, Ko, and Bu) to pay tribute to the Liu Song Dynasty in southern China. Whether they encountered tea culture during their visits remains unclear. The primary motivation for these missions was not an interest in Chinese civilization but a desire to receive titles from the Chinese emperor to solidify their authority within Japan and assert dominance over Korea. For example, in 478, Emperor Bu (Yūryaku) was granted the title “General of An Dong, King of Wa, and Military Governor of Six Countries” (Wa, Silla, Imna, Gaya, Qinhan, and Mahan). These emissaries offered tribute to the Chinese court, but the nature of their gifts is not recorded in the Book of Song, nor is there evidence of reciprocal gifts from the Chinese emperor. Given the tense political climate and the threat of piracy on the Korean Peninsula, it is unlikely that these exchanges involved significant quantities of goods.

More importantly, in 5th-century China, tea had yet to become a widely popular beverage. In the Eastern Jin capital of Jiankang (modern Nanjing), wine was still the primary drink for hosting guests. For the Japanese emissaries, who had much to learn and absorb during their visits, tea—if they encountered it at all—likely did not leave a significant impression.

Conclusion

In summary, before the Sui and Tang dynasties, several factors prevented the eastward transmission of Chinese tea culture to Japan. These include the limited distribution of wild tea trees to southwestern China, the concentration of tea consumption in southern China, and the focus of Sino-Japanese interactions in the northeast. As of now, no historical records confirm the eastward spread of tea before the Sui and Tang periods.

In Chapter 1, we discussed the historical backdrop of Sino-Japanese interactions before the Sui and Tang dynasties, noting the ecological, geographic, and cultural barriers that prevented the transmission of tea culture to Japan during that period. However, the Sui and Tang dynasties marked the first peak of Sino-Japanese cultural exchange, creating the conditions for tea culture to reach Japan. Through the efforts of envoys and monks, Japan not only learned about Chinese administrative systems and cultural practices but also began to encounter Chinese tea culture.

The next section will delve deeper into the specifics of tea culture during the Sui and Tang dynasties, exploring its characteristics, uses, and significance, as well as the ways in which it began to influence Japan.

Chapter 2: Sino-Japanese Tea Culture Exchange During the Sui and Tang Dynasties

Section 1: Overview of Sino-Japanese Cultural Exchange During the Sui and Tang Dynasties

The Sui and Tang dynasties represented the peak of cultural and societal development in ancient China, a period marked by tremendous progress in politics, economics, and the arts. This cultural brilliance had a profound influence on Japan, sparking multiple cultural peaks on the Japanese archipelago, including the Asuka Culture (late 6th century to early 7th century), Hakuhō Culture (late 7th century to early 8th century), Tempyo Culture (mid-8th century), Kōnin Culture (early 9th century), and Jōgan Culture (late 9th century). Each cultural breakthrough in Japan was closely tied to the powerful stimulus of Sui and Tang culture and the tireless efforts of Japanese intellectuals and officials to study and emulate Chinese civilization.

According to researchers Tanukawa and Liu Yi, the first chapter in the history of Sino-Japanese cultural exchange during the Sui and Tang periods began with the Japanese envoy Ono no Imoko, dispatched by Prince Shōtoku (574–622) to the Sui court. In 607, Ono no Imoko led a delegation to the Sui capital, Daxing (modern-day Xi’an). Despite Emperor Yang of Sui’s displeasure with the phrase “From the Son of Heaven in the Land of the Rising Sun to the Son of Heaven in the Land of the Setting Sun” in the letter he received, the emperor, driven by the political necessity of establishing friendly relations with neighboring countries (often formalized through investiture), treated the Japanese envoy with courtesy. In 608, Emperor Yang reciprocated by sending a delegation of 13 officials, led by Pei Shiqing, to visit Japan. Ono no Imoko claimed that the Sui emperor’s response letter to the Japanese king had been lost, thereby avoiding potential diplomatic tension and ensuring the success of Pei Shiqing’s visit.

In 609, Ono no Imoko returned to China as an envoy accompanying the Sui delegation back home. This time, the Japanese letter was addressed as “From the Emperor of the East to the Emperor of the West,” cleverly sidestepping hierarchical implications. He also brought a group of Japanese students and monks to study in China. The Sui court, motivated by the diplomatic strategy of “befriend the distant while attacking the near,” and the Japanese Yamato court, eager to learn about China’s political systems and cultural advancements, fostered the first major wave of Sino-Japanese exchange. Between 607 and 894, Japan sent five envoys to the Sui dynasty and nineteen to the Tang dynasty.

The Scale and Impact of Envoys to China

The scale of the envoys varied over time, with the early 8th century seeing the most elaborate missions. During this period, Tang envoys typically consisted of fleets with four large ships carrying 500–600 individuals, including ambassadors, deputy ambassadors, navigators, translators, scribes, astrologers, physicians, painters, musicians, students, monks, sailors, and guards. These carefully selected elite Japanese individuals received generous hospitality from the Chinese court. The envoys usually stayed in China for one to two years, during which they immersed themselves in Chinese society, learning about local customs, meeting people from all walks of life, and acquiring books, goods, and skills. Some even married and had children before returning to Japan.

Students and monks who remained in China were enrolled in institutions such as the National University (Guozijian) or major monasteries in Chang’an, studying under Chinese masters. Their expenses were covered by the Chinese court, and they often spent decades—up to thirty years—in China. From 608 to 882, over 200 Japanese students and monks are documented to have studied in China, with 92 of them leaving their mark in historical records. Among these, some achieved notable success: Abe no Nakamaro was appointed to the high-ranking position of Left Court Attendant by the Chinese emperor, while others returned to Japan to hold key positions in government, such as Kibi no Makibi, who rose to the position of Minister of the Right.

Cultural Borrowing and Transformation in Japan

Through these envoys, Japan found a model to emulate as it built its nascent state. Examples include:

• Political Systems: Japan adopted China’s official rank system, initially creating a twelve-rank system later expanded to thirty ranks.
• Legal Reforms: Japan modeled its legal system on the Tang legal codes, implementing similar policies for taxation and labor.
• Education: Inspired by China’s Guozijian, Japan established its own national university system and examination system.
• Historical Records: Japan adopted China’s chronological format for compiling histories, resulting in the creation of Nihon Shoki (The Chronicles of Japan).
• Poetry Collections: Japanese scholars compiled Chinese-style poetry anthologies such as Keikokushū, Ryōunshū, and Bunka Shūreishū.
• Writing System: Japan eventually developed its own phonetic writing system, kana, based on Chinese characters.

The influence of Sui and Tang culture extended beyond institutional structures. Envoys brought back elements of Chinese daily life, such as hairstyles, makeup techniques, clothing styles, and dietary customs. For example, Fujiwara no Sadamitsu, who traveled to China in 838, studied the pipa (a Chinese lute) under the musician Liu Erlang, learned dozens of pieces, and was even given a zitan pipa by Liu, along with his daughter’s hand in marriage. Upon returning to Japan, Fujiwara became the head of the Imperial Music Department and performed for three successive emperors. These cultural exchanges led the Japanese capital of Nara to adopt many aspects of Tang civilization. As Guo Moruo aptly described: “Tang culture permeated Nara City.”

Section 2: Why Tea Cakes Were Not Collected in the Shōsōin

During the Sui and Tang dynasties, Japan’s primary goal in sending envoys to China was to learn and adopt Chinese culture. Another important objective, however, was to obtain valuable items from the mainland. As a result, Japanese envoys were tasked with selecting the most precious items to bring back to Japan and present to the emperor. Similarly, Chinese envoys and monks visiting Japan would bring high-quality gifts. Over time, the Japanese imperial family amassed a significant collection of Chinese artifacts. These treasures were highly valued by Japanese emperors, such as Empress Kōmyō (701–760), who cherished Chinese works like Leyi Lun by Wang Xizhi and diligently practiced copying them.

Most of these Chinese artifacts remain well-preserved to this day in the Shōsōin, the imperial repository in Nara, Japan.

The Origins of Shōsōin’s Collection

The collection of Chinese artifacts in the Shōsōin began in 756. On the 49th day after Emperor Shōmu (701–756) passed away, Empress Kōmyō donated almost all of the late emperor’s beloved possessions to the Tōdai-ji Temple as an offering to Buddha. A substantial portion of these items were gifts from China.

By 756, Japan had already sent 15 envoys to the Sui and Tang dynasties, while China had sent three envoys to Japan. Additionally, prominent Chinese monks such as Dōrui and Jianzhen had traveled to Japan. These interactions resulted in the transfer of a considerable number of Chinese artifacts to Japan, with the finest treasures concentrated in the hands of the imperial family. Empress Kōmyō, deeply devoted to Buddhism, donated these cherished artifacts to Tōdai-ji Temple, making the Shōsōin a historical testament to Sino-Japanese cultural exchange and a museum of Chinese artifacts from the Tang Dynasty. The Shōsōin’s unparalleled academic value and cultural heritage are globally recognized.

Currently, the Shōsōin’s collection is not fully cataloged, but over 90,000 artifacts have been identified. These include weapons, stationery, musical instruments, recreational tools, clothing, small furniture, food, incense, medicine, books, Buddhist statues, and ritual implements. Among these, the Mother-of-Pearl Inlaid Red Sandalwood Lute stands out as a masterpiece of Chinese craftsmanship. However, what is conspicuously absent from the collection is tea, a fact that has puzzled and disappointed tea culture researchers.

The Absence of Tea in the Shōsōin

Although tea is missing from the Shōsōin, the repository contains numerous Chinese medicinal herbs related to tea. According to reliable 8th-century records, the Shōsōin housed 60 types of herbal medicines (40 of which remain today), including ginseng, dragon bone, polygala, licorice root, rhubarb, and mirabilite. Among these is a set of 20 wax-honey medicinal cakes strung together and stored in a wooden box. (See image at the beginning of the chapter.) These medicinal cakes bear a striking resemblance to the tea cakes described by Lu Yu (733–804) in his The Classic of Tea (Cha Jing, written in 780), particularly in the chapters Tools and Production.

Lu Yu described the production of Tang Dynasty tea cakes as involving seven steps: harvesting, steaming, grinding into paste, pressing into cake shapes, roasting, piercing holes in the cakes (to string them together), and sealing (for storage). In the Jiangdong region (south of the Yangtze River), a string of tea cakes typically weighed one jin (Tang Dynasty jin = 370.3 grams) and was called an “upper string.” Smaller sizes included the “middle string,” weighing half a jin, and the “small string,” weighing four or five liang. The 20 wax-honey medicinal cakes in the Shōsōin weigh about 200 grams, closely matching the size of Lu Yu’s “middle string” tea cakes. Additionally, research confirms that many of the Shōsōin’s medicines were sourced from Yangzhou, a city in Jiangdong that Lu Yu explicitly mentioned in The Classic of Tea. This connection deepens the mystery of why tea cakes themselves are absent from the Shōsōin.

Potential Explanations for the Absence of Tea

While Tang Dynasty tea cakes have yet to be discovered in China, the wax-honey medicinal cakes in the Shōsōin provide a visual reference for imagining Lu Yu’s descriptions of tea cakes. However, this raises the question: if tea is classified as an herb, and Yangzhou-produced wax-honey medicinal cakes were transported to the Shōsōin, why were tea cakes overlooked? The answer likely lies in the developmental stage of Chinese tea culture at the time and its historical limitations.

In 756, when the Shōsōin’s collection was assembled, tea culture in China had not yet fully matured. In northern cities like Chang’an and regions in eastern China, tea was not yet a widely consumed beverage among the elite. Wine remained the primary drink offered to guests, and tea had not achieved the cultural prominence it would later enjoy. Consequently, Japanese envoys visiting Chang’an or Jiangdong would not have encountered tea as a significant cultural element or commodity. Without exposure to tea, Japanese envoys did not bring it back to Japan, and it naturally did not become part of the Shōsōin’s collection.

This historical gap underscores the early developmental stage of tea culture in Tang China and highlights how tea culture was not yet sufficiently established to become a focus of Sino-Japanese exchange during this period. The spread of tea culture to Japan, therefore, would have to wait for the later flourishing of Chinese tea culture.

Section 3: The Rise of Chinese Tea Culture in the Mid-Tang Dynasty

When did tea drinking in China become a widespread practice and evolve into a distinct culture? To answer this question, we must refer to the research of Zhu Zizhen. Zhu states:

Chinese tea cultivation originated in Bashu (modern-day Sichuan), expanded to Jingchu (Hubei and Hunan) during the Jin and Six Dynasties period, and later developed along the coastal areas of Jiangsu and Zhejiang. However, in northern China, tea drinking and trade remained uncommon until the early Tang Dynasty. Specifically, before the Kaiyuan era (713–742), tea was primarily consumed in the south, while northerners drank it only occasionally. Thus, tea production and consumption were largely confined to the south, where people produced and consumed their own tea.

This situation changed in the mid-Tang Dynasty. As noted in the Shanfu Jingshoulu (856), after Emperor Dezong Li Shi (reigned 780–804), “villages in Guanzhong and Shandong consumed tea daily. People could go days without food but could not go a single day without tea.”

With the rise of tea consumption in the north, southern tea production and the trade of tea between the south and the north grew rapidly. As described in Feng Shi Wenjian Ji (late 8th century), tea from southern China was transported in large quantities via boats and carts, accumulating in large stockpiles. Within a short time, tea production in the Yangtze River basin nearly doubled, and tea-related industries flourished. During this period, tea trade even extended to border regions where ethnic minorities traded horses for tea.

Significant developments included:

• In 771, the establishment of a tribute tea production site at Guzhu (modern Huzhou), producing tea exclusively for the royal court.
• In 782, the implementation of the first recorded tea tax in China.
• In 780, Lu Yu wrote The Classic of Tea (Cha Jing), the world’s first monograph on tea, marking the formal establishment of tea studies.

Historical Observations on the Rise of Tea Culture

Historical accounts also support the mid-Tang rise of tea culture. In Shanfu Jingshoulu, Yang Hua summarized:

“Tea was not consumed in ancient times. From the Jin and Song dynasties onward, Wu people (in southern China) began boiling tea leaves to make gruel, called ‘ming porridge.’ During the Kaiyuan and Tianbao periods (713–756), tea consumption became more common, and by the Zhide and Dali periods (756–780), it had grown significantly. After the Jianzhong era (780–784), tea culture flourished.”

In recent decades, research into Chinese tea culture has corroborated this perspective. Two major factors contributed to the rise of tea culture in mid-Tang China:

(1) The Influence of Zen Buddhism

The rise of Zen Buddhism during the Kaiyuan era greatly promoted tea drinking. As noted in Feng Shi Wenjian Ji:

“Southerners enjoyed tea, but northerners drank little of it. During the Kaiyuan era, a Zen master at Lingyan Temple in Mount Tai promoted Zen teachings. Zen practice emphasized staying awake and abstaining from evening meals, and tea was allowed during practice. Practitioners carried tea with them and prepared it wherever they went. This practice gradually spread and became a custom. From Zou (modern Zoucheng, Shandong) and Qi (Linzi, Shandong) to Cang (Cangzhou, Hebei) and Di (Huimin, Shandong), and eventually to the capital, tea houses opened in cities, selling brewed tea.”

This account shows that northern Chinese people, who initially did not drink tea, began adopting the practice through Zen Buddhism. Tea consumption gained popularity, starting in Shandong and gradually spreading westward.

However, although tea became popular during the Kaiyuan era, its widespread appeal and cultural significance were only realized decades later during the Jianzhong era (780–784). This delay was linked to the aftermath of the An Lushan Rebellion (756–763), which left the Tang Dynasty weakened and the populace devastated. In this context, Zen Buddhism, with its emphasis on “instant enlightenment,” offered solace to people traumatized by war and hardship. The subsequent rise of Zen practices further encouraged tea consumption, which had become closely associated with Zen rituals.

(2) The Impact of Lu Yu’s The Classic of Tea

Lu Yu (733–804), a distinguished poet, historian, and tea scholar of the mid-Tang period, played a crucial role in promoting tea culture. Born in Tianmen, Hubei, he fled across the Yangtze River as a refugee during the An Lushan Rebellion and eventually settled in Huzhou. He formed close friendships with prominent figures like the Buddhist poet Jiao Ran and the Huzhou governor Yan Zhenqing.

Lu Yu conducted extensive fieldwork, traveling through Tang Dynasty tea-producing regions on foot. He meticulously compiled oral and written information about tea, organizing it systematically. Drawing from his literary and historical expertise, he authored The Classic of Tea (Cha Jing) in 780, the world’s first comprehensive book on tea.

Structure and Content of The Classic of Tea

The Classic of Tea contains over 7,000 characters divided into ten chapters:

1. Origin: Describes the botanical characteristics, uses, cultivation methods, and medicinal properties of tea, using the framework of Chinese herbal medicine.
2. Tools: Lists 14 tools used for picking, steaming, grinding, pressing, drying, roasting, and storing tea.
3. Production: Explains the key steps in tea processing and how to distinguish tea cakes of different qualities.
4. Utensils: Details 24 types of tea utensils and explains methods for brewing and drinking tea.
5. Preparation: Describes the roasting, grinding, fuel, water, and techniques required for brewing tea.
6. Drinking: Discusses the relationship between tea and alcohol, as well as the appropriate quantity of tea to consume.
7. History: Compiles references to tea in historical texts, including records from histories, miscellaneous writings, poetry, medical texts, and geography, encompassing Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist perspectives on tea.
8. Production Regions: Lists tea production areas in what corresponds to 13 modern provinces.
9. Simplified Preparation: Offers tips for brewing tea in the wilderness, such as at mountain temples or by rivers.
10. Illustrations: Recommends displaying illustrations from The Classic of Tea on white silk in tea-drinking spaces.

This groundbreaking work represents a comprehensive summary of mid-Tang tea culture and the pinnacle of tea-related achievements at the time. Following the publication of The Classic of Tea, tea became a universally consumed beverage in China.

Conclusion

The mid-Tang period marked the rise of tea culture as a nationwide phenomenon. Zen Buddhism’s promotion of tea drinking and Lu Yu’s The Classic of Tea played pivotal roles in this transformation. From being a regional and medicinal product, tea evolved into a cultural and social staple, laying the foundation for its global legacy.

Section 4: The Influence of The Classic of Tea on Chinese Tea Culture After the Mid-Tang Dynasty

The publication of The Classic of Tea (Cha Jing) by Lu Yu marked a milestone in the history of Chinese tea culture. It elevated tea from a medicinal herb and daily beverage into a realm of cultural and artistic significance. Tea drinking, once a practical activity for quenching thirst or treating illness, was transformed into an artistic creation and cultural ritual. The Classic of Tea heralded the formal establishment of Chinese tea culture.

Upon its release in 780, The Classic of Tea gained widespread attention. People eagerly copied and disseminated it, adopting the methods Lu Yu described for brewing and drinking tea. By the late 8th century, as noted in Feng Shi Wenjian Ji:

“Lu Hongjian of Chu (Lu Yu) wrote a treatise on tea, discussing its effects and detailing the methods for brewing and roasting it, along with 24 tools required for tea preparation. Admirers far and near followed his teachings, keeping a full set of tea utensils in their homes. Tea culture flourished as a result.”

The publication of The Classic of Tea spurred the rapid nationwide spread of tea cultivation, trade, and drinking habits. Under Lu Yu’s guidance, Huzhou established a tribute tea production site in 771 to supply the imperial court. By 782, China implemented its first tea tax, marking tea as an officially managed economic crop.

The First Peak of Chinese Tea Culture in the Mid-Tang Dynasty

The first major peak of tea culture in China occurred during the mid-Tang period, particularly between 780 and 900 CE. This development is evident from the distribution of Tang Dynasty tea-themed poetry.

Poets of the early Tang period, such as Li Bai (701–762) and Du Fu (712–770), left behind only sparse references to tea. Li Bai’s sole tea poem, Reply to My Cousin Zhongfu, a Monk, About the Immortal Palm Tea from Yuxian, highlights the rarity and longevity-promoting effects of the “Immortal Palm” tea but does not delve into the specifics of brewing or drinking tea. Du Fu, while not writing any tea-specific poems, briefly mentions tea drinking in Revisiting the He Residence.

In contrast, poets active during the late 8th and early 9th centuries, such as Bai Juyi, Liu Yuxi, Du Mu, Lu Tong, Pi Rixiu, and Lu Guimeng, wrote numerous vivid and detailed tea-themed poems. These works celebrate tea’s color, aroma, and taste, as well as the sounds of breaking tea cakes, the sight of tea smoke during roasting, and other sensory details. For example:

Lu Lun’s Tea Poem

Lu Lun (748–800) wrote in A Poem About New Tea for My Uncles Serving as Officials in the Western Sichuan Government:

“Tea, a treasure like three sips of Penglai,
Adjusted daily in golden cauldrons for its aroma.
Stored in jade boxes, a mere half-cake remains,
Sent to you, my uncles, along with a few lines of verse.”

In this poem, Lu Lun compares the act of offering tea to the ancient ritual of serving wine. He treasures his tea, storing it in “jade boxes,” and sends half of a tea cake to his uncles as a gift for inspiration. This highlights how tea had become intertwined with the lives of literary figures and was often associated with refined etiquette.

Bai Juyi’s Tea Poem

Bai Juyi (772–846) expresses gratitude for receiving tea in Thanks to Li Liu, the Secretary, for Sending New Tea from Shu:

“Our long-standing friendship surrounds our bonds.
The new tea you’ve sent has eased my illness.
A red-wrapped parcel, its letter came first,
Green buds of ten leaves, picked before the spring rains.
With a ladle of water, I boil it to ‘fish eyes,’
Add a pinch of powdered tea, stirring gently.
Not sending it elsewhere, but first to me—
You must know I am a true connoisseur.”

In this poem, Bai Juyi mentions “fish eyes,” a term from The Classic of Tea describing the ideal stage of boiling water. His preparation of tea follows the precise guidelines set forth by Lu Yu. When compared with Lu Lun’s poem, it is evident that tea gifting and poetic exchanges had become a refined cultural practice among intellectuals during the mid-Tang Dynasty.

Tea in the Poetry of Liu Zongyuan, Du Mu, Pi Rixiu, and Lu Guimeng

Other Tang poets also contributed to the flourishing tea culture. Liu Zongyuan (773–819) captures the sound of crushing tea cakes in Summer Day Thoughts:

“Waking at midday, hearing nothing,
A boy pounds tea in a mortar beyond the bamboo.”

Du Mu (803–852), in Written in a Zen Temple, writes about tea smoke:

“Today, with graying hair by the Zen couch,
I watch tea smoke rise, blending with falling petals.”

Pi Rixiu (ca. 834–883) and Lu Guimeng (d. 881) wrote extensively about tea. They composed 20 tea poems under shared titles such as Tea House, Tea Stove, and Tea Maker, vividly illustrating the material and aesthetic aspects of tea culture.

Japanese Students and Monks Immersed in Tang Tea Culture

During this period, numerous Japanese students and monks were active in Tang China, learning about tea culture and eventually bringing it back to Japan. Notably, Japanese monks such as Saichō, Kūkai, and Ennin spent years in Tang China studying Buddhist teachings and cultural practices, including tea.

Pi Rixiu and Lu Guimeng were closely associated with Japanese monk Enzai, who lived in China for 39 years. Both poets wrote farewell poems for Enzai, including Pi Rixiu’s Farewell to Enzai Returning to Japan and Lu Guimeng’s Hearing That Enzai Will Take Back Confucian Texts and Buddhist Sutras to Japan, A Poem for His Departure. These connections suggest that tea culture was likely a part of their interactions.

Enzai and other Japanese monks who experienced Chinese tea culture firsthand played a crucial role in transmitting Tang tea practices back to Japan. By the early Heian period, tea drinking had gained popularity among Japan’s elite, led by figures such as Saichō, Kūkai, and Emperor Saga. Their efforts gave rise to the “Kōnin Tea Culture” (810–824) in Japan, laying the foundation for the development of Japanese tea traditions.

Section 5: Saichō and Tea

Saichō (762–822), a monk from Ōmi Province (modern Shiga Prefecture, Japan), became a pivotal figure in the history of tea in Japan. Ordained at the age of 12, he received full monastic precepts at the age of 20 at the ordination hall of Tōdai-ji Temple in Nara. Later, he established a hermitage on Mount Hiei near Kyoto, where he practiced and studied. His interest in the teachings of the Tiantai school (Tendai in Japanese) was sparked while studying the texts brought to Japan by the Chinese monk Jianzhen (Ganjin). To deepen his understanding of Tiantai doctrine, Saichō petitioned the Japanese emperor for permission to travel to Tang China. Due to Saichō’s prominent status in Japanese Buddhism, the emperor permitted him to go as a short-term study monk (kanshū sō), requiring him to travel with and return on the same ship as the envoys.

In April 803, Saichō, accompanied by his disciple Gishin, attempted to set sail with the Japanese envoy Fujiwara Kadowamaro from Naniwa (modern Osaka), but rough seas forced their return. In July 804, they set sail again from Matsura in Hizen Province (modern Saga) and, after more than fifty days of rough seas, arrived in Ningbo.

Saichō’s Stay in China

Saichō’s arrival in China attracted the attention of local officials. Upon disembarking, he was welcomed by Lu Chun, the prefect of Taizhou. Although Saichō presented gold and treasures as gifts, the prefect politely declined, prompting Saichō to trade the gold for paper to copy Buddhist texts.

Saichō studied Tiantai teachings under Daosui, the 10th patriarch of the Tiantai school. He received the Tiantai lineage and texts such as Mohe Zhiguan (The Great Calming and Contemplation) and also took the “Perfect and Sudden Precepts” of Mahayana Buddhism. At the time, Xingman, the abbot of Fulong Temple on Mount Tiantai, happened to visit the monastery where Saichō was staying. Recognizing Saichō’s remarkable dedication and intelligence, Xingman believed that Saichō was the prophesied emissary of Tiantai teachings to the east, as foretold by the founder of the Tiantai school, Zhiyi (538–597).

Xingman took Saichō to Fulong Temple, where he transmitted the teachings of Niutou Chan and provided Saichō with 82 volumes of Tiantai texts. Xingman, before becoming the abbot of Fulong Temple, had served as the “Tea Head” (cha tou) at Zhizhe Pagoda. The Tea Head was responsible for offering tea at the Buddha shrine, hosting tea ceremonies for monks, and serving tea to guests. Essentially, this role made the Tea Head the temple’s head of ceremonial hospitality and the most knowledgeable person about tea. Although Saichō studied under Xingman for only 30 days, it is difficult to imagine that tea was not part of their interaction. Perhaps it was Xingman’s influence that inspired Saichō to bring tea seeds from Mount Tiantai back to Japan.

Tea at Mount Tiantai

Mount Tiantai was renowned for its tea production. As early as the late Eastern Han Dynasty, the alchemist Ge Xuan (164–244) cultivated tea gardens at Huading Peak while practicing Daoist alchemy. Tang-era Daoist Xu Lingfu noted in his Record of Mount Tiantai:

“Pine flowers and celestial herbs provide nourishment for morning meals; aromatic tea and spring water are suitable for evening drinks.”

The tea garden established by Ge Xuan still exists near Guiyun Cave on Huading Peak. Nearly 50 years after Saichō’s visit, the Japanese monk Enchin (853) described “cloud and mist tea gardens covering the mountains.” Two centuries later, the monk Jōjin (1072) wrote in his Record of Visiting Mount Tiantai and Wutai Mountains about “tea trees forming forests” at Huading Peak. Additionally, other areas of Mount Tiantai, such as Wannian and Shiliang, were also famous for tea. By the Tang Dynasty, tea cultivation and consumption were widespread in the monasteries of Mount Tiantai. It is highly likely that Saichō experienced tea cultivation and consumption during his stay.

Saichō’s Return to Japan and the Introduction of Tea

In the spring of 805, Saichō prepared to return to Japan. Prefect Lu Chun organized a farewell gathering for Saichō, inviting officials, scholars, and monks from Taizhou. The farewell gathering featured tea instead of wine, reflecting Buddhist precepts while showcasing the tea culture of Mount Tiantai. This tea ceremony left a profound impression on Saichō. He brought back The Preface to Sending Saichō Back to Japan and ten farewell poems written during the gathering, which were later compiled in the Collected Works of Dengyō Daishi.

In May 805, Saichō returned to Japan, presenting the 230 Buddhist texts (460 volumes), gilded copies of the Lotus Sutra and Diamond Sutra, and other artifacts he had brought back to the emperor. He founded the Japanese Tendai school and planted tea seeds from Mount Tiantai at the foot of Mount Hiei, ending Japan’s tea-less history. The tea garden at Hiyoshi Shrine near Mount Hiei still exists, marked by a monument inscribed with “Japan’s Oldest Tea Garden.” According to records from the Hiyoshi Shrine Secret Records of Shinto, written between 1575 and 1577, Saichō planted tea seeds he brought from China in Kyoto, Uji, and other locations, establishing the foundation of Japanese tea cultivation.

Saichō’s Cultural Contributions

Saichō’s contributions to Sino-Japanese tea culture extend beyond bringing tea seeds to Japan. His influence as the founder of the Tendai school integrated tea drinking into Japanese Buddhist rituals and the practices of the upper class. Saichō’s efforts were supported by Emperor Saga (786–842), a poet and proponent of Chinese culture during Japan’s early Heian period.

During Emperor Saga’s reign (810–824), tea drinking reached its peak, giving rise to the “Kōnin Tea Culture.” In a poem dedicated to Saichō, Emperor Saga wrote:

“Immortal monks bring wisdom across the sea,
Cloudy tea cups offered by mountain spirits.”

This poem highlights the role of tea in Saichō’s missionary activities and reflects its novelty as an imported cultural practice.

Tea Cultivation in Japan After Saichō

By 816, ten years after Saichō’s return, tea cultivation had taken root in Japan. During this period, Saichō sent ten kin of tea to his former disciple Taimin, attempting to persuade him to return from another master’s tutelage. The historical record suggests that this tea was not imported but locally grown, indicating that tea gardens had already been established in Japan. Saichō’s introduction of tea thus marked the beginning of Japan’s tea cultivation and the incorporation of tea into the cultural and religious practices of the Heian era.

Section 6: Master Kōbō Daishi and Tea

As mentioned earlier, Kōbō Daishi (Kōbō) arrived in Tang China in August 804. Unlike Saichō, who went to Mount Tendai, Kōbō traveled separately with the Japanese mission and reached Chang’an after more than four months of journeying. Initially, he stayed with the diplomatic mission at Xuanyang Fang before moving to Ximing Temple (which, at the time, served as a preparatory language school for Japanese monks). Shortly after arriving at Ximing Temple, Kōbō learned that there was a famous Esoteric Buddhist monk named Huiguo (746–805) at Qinglong Temple in Chang’an. Through introductions, Kōbō visited Qinglong Temple and received teachings from Huiguo. He underwent initiations into two of the Esoteric Buddhist mandalas, the Womb Realm (胎藏界) and Diamond Realm (金刚界), and studied esoteric scriptures such as the Mahāvairocana Sūtra (大日经) and the Vajrasekhara Sūtra (金刚顶经). Huiguo instructed artists to create mandalas for Kōbō’s practice and asked metalworkers to make ritual implements, while scribes copied scriptures for him, so he could take them back to Japan for teaching.

In 806, Kōbō returned to Japan with 142 newly translated Buddhist scriptures (a total of 247 volumes), ritual instruments, Buddhist statues, poetry, calligraphy, and other items he brought back from Tang China. Among the most prized items was a tea seed that he presented to Emperor Saga of Japan. According to the Biography of Master Kōbō Daishi (弘法大师年谱, 1888), Kōbō brought tea seeds back to Japan and presented them to Emperor Saga. To this day, in the first temple Kōbō resided in after returning to Japan—Furong Temple (佛隆寺) in Uda, Nara—there remain traces of a stone mill used for grinding tea and remnants of a tea garden, all brought back by Kōbō.

In 809, Kōbō was granted permission to spread the teachings of Esoteric Buddhism in Kyoto, with strong support from Emperor Saga. In 816, he was authorized to establish a Buddhist temple at Mount Kōya to serve as the center for the Shingon Sect. He frequently visited the Imperial Palace at the emperor’s request to perform rituals for rain and disaster prevention, often discussing Buddhist scriptures and tea with Emperor Saga. As a result, Emperor Saga composed a poem titled Drinking Tea with Kōbō Daishi Before He Returns to Mount Kōya (海公即空海), expressing their deep friendship:

The path of monks and laity diverges after many years.
This autumn we meet, a fortunate reunion.
After savoring fragrant tea, the day turns to dusk,
I bow in sorrow, watching the clouds of parting.

This poem reflects Kōbō’s imminent return to the misty Mount Kōya, while Emperor Saga and Kōbō part with a fond farewell over tea.

Kōbō returned to Japan in 806 and passed away in 835, living for about 30 years after his return. During these 30 years, Kōbō was always accompanied by tea. This is evident in his Kōya Zatsu Bikki (高野杂笔集), a collection of miscellaneous notes. In a letter of thanks to Emperor Saga for sending him tea, Kōbō wrote: “When I felt parched, I was suddenly gifted with precious tea. The fragrance and taste were both wonderful, and after drinking it, I felt my ailments disappear.” This expresses that when he was thirsty, he received tea from the emperor, and its pleasant aroma and taste helped him recover from illness. At the time, Kōbō was a leading figure in Japanese religious circles, a renowned calligrapher, and a great scholar. The emperor’s tea gift was likely due to Kōbō’s well-known love for tea.

In 813, at the age of 39, Kōbō wrote in the preface to a poem expressing his feelings: “A mat made of roots, food from pine and cypress, and a bowl of tea—these are enough for a life of tranquility.” This demonstrates Kōbō’s pursuit of a spiritual world of purity and detachment, using tea as a means to achieve this. In 814, in his Offering Sanskrit and Miscellaneous Writings (献梵字及杂文表), Kōbō described his simple daily life: “In my spare time between rituals, I study Sanskrit texts, read Chinese books, and enjoy tea.” Tea, for Kōbō, was not only a personal enjoyment but also a companion in his scholarly and spiritual activities. He not only drank tea himself but also actively recommended it to his friends.

In a poem by the Japanese courtier Nakamura no Kō (仲雄王), from the Heian period (794–1185), he describes drinking tea with Kōbō:

“The stone spring washes the bowl, the charcoal stove brews the tea,
The bottle holds flowers, the porcelain heart holds wild yams.”

It seems that Nakamura no Kō was particularly enthusiastic about tea with Kōbō, observing even the ritualistic movements involved in brewing tea. For Nakamura, Kōbō may have been a tea mentor. Additionally, another famous scholar from the time, Ono no Minamoto (小野岑守, 778–830), in a poem he sent to Kōbō, wrote: “In the wild garden, I drink tea, and in the valley, I am filled with orchids.” Furthermore, Kōbō’s 80th birthday poem for the abbot of Yuanxing Temple (元兴寺) also includes the line: “I will share a simple tea with a few friends, hoping for a pure and refined gathering.”

Through these scattered historical materials, we can see that Kōbō Daishi played a crucial role in the introduction of tea into Japan and its integration into the Japanese spiritual and cultural life.

Section 7: Master Eijū and Tea

Along with Saichō and Kōbō Daishi, Master Eijū (永忠和尚, 743–816) also left a significant mark on the tea-drinking culture during the Heian period in Japan. Eijū arrived in Tang China in 775 as part of the fifteenth Japanese diplomatic mission. He stayed at Ximing Temple (西明寺) in Chang’an, which, at that time, also functioned as a language training center for Japanese monks studying in China. All Japanese monks arriving in Chang’an were first housed at Ximing Temple, where they studied Chinese and became familiar with life in Chinese temples. After completing their initial training, they would move to other temples for further study. At that time, tea drinking was part of the daily activities in Ximing Temple, just as it was in other temples in Chang’an. In 1992, during excavations at the Ximing Temple site, a Tang Dynasty tea mill was discovered with the inscription “Ximing Temple” carved into its base. Since pressed tea (饼茶) was commonly consumed at the time, which required roasting, crushing, and grinding before drinking, the tea mill was an essential tool for tea preparation. One can imagine the excitement and awe of Japanese monks, including Eijū, as they first drank Chinese tea after enduring the hardships of a long journey to Chang’an. The delicious taste of the tea would certainly have left a lasting impression.

Originally, after completing his short-term training at Ximing Temple, Eijū was supposed to be sent to another temple. However, for some unknown reason, Eijū remained at Ximing Temple and began assisting with the training of Japanese monks. In 778, the sixteenth Japanese diplomatic mission arrived in China, and Eijū, who was expected to return with the mission, chose to stay behind. In this way, Eijū lived at Ximing Temple for 30 years before finally returning to Japan in 805. Upon his return, he was highly regarded by the emperor and was appointed to oversee Chōfuku Temple and Bonshaku Temple. However, Eijū, who had become accustomed to life in Chang’an, found it difficult to adjust to life in Japan. He once criticized the coarse food in Japan and submitted a petition suggesting that meals during Buddhist fasting days should be more abundant. To Eijū, drinking tea seemed to embody the refined culinary culture of Tang China, which stood in stark contrast to the more rudimentary meals in Japan. As a result, when Emperor Saga visited his temples, Eijū offered him a bowl of tea as a gesture of hospitality. According to the Nihon Shoki (Japanese Chronicles), in April of the sixth year of the Kōnin Era (815), Emperor Saga traveled to Ōmi Province (modern Shiga Prefecture) and passed through Chōfuku Temple. Eijū and the monks of the temple welcomed him:

“The emperor dismounted and went to the Buddhist hall to pay respects. He then visited Bonshaku Temple, where he dismounted and composed a poem. The crown prince and ministers joined him. Eijū personally brewed tea and presented it to the emperor.”

Another entry in the Nihon Shoki suggests that the experience of drinking tea left a deep impression on Emperor Saga. Two months later, he ordered the planting of tea in the Kansai region of Japan, with the intention of establishing a regular tribute. Although Saichō and Kōbō Daishi had already returned to Japan years earlier, and Emperor Saga himself had started drinking tea and even composed several tea poems, it was only after drinking tea from Eijū that he issued the order to cultivate tea. In The History of Tea Culture, Hiroshi Ogawa suggests that the tea brewed by Eijū was neither imported tea cakes from China nor low-quality tea cultivated and processed domestically in Japan, but rather tea that Eijū had personally grown and meticulously prepared. When Emperor Saga tasted this fine tea, which rivaled the quality of Tang Dynasty tea cakes, he must have been deeply impressed. Thus, he ordered the planting of tea in the Kansai region of Japan, following Eijū’s method. Therefore, it can be said that Eijū played a crucial role in the transmission of Tang tea culture to Japan, on par with Saichō and Kōbō Daishi.

What exactly was Eijū’s tea cultivation and preparation like? From several poetic works from his time, we can infer that the methods of planting and drinking tea in Japan during Eijū’s era were identical to those described in The Classic of Tea (Chajing) by Lu Yu of the Tang Dynasty. In Volume 14 of the Keikoku-shū (《经国集》), a poem titled Song of Tea by the Great Governor of Izumo (和出云巨太守茶歌) describes tea cultivation and preparation:

The tea grows in the mountains, early spring branches,
The tender shoots are harvested for tea.
Beside the mountain, an old man cherishes the tea as a treasure,
He roasts it on a golden stove to dry it.
Under the empty forest, clear flowing water,
The tea is filtered through silk and strained with a silver spoon.
The charcoal burns brightly, the pot boils with frothing waves.
…
The salt from Wu adds flavor, the purity of the leaves is preserved.
The deep rocks of the mountain cannot surpass this taste,
When brewed, the lingering fragrance fills the air.
Drinking it with no worries, lying under the white clouds,
One should know the tea’s spirit is that of the immortals,
A blessing as serene as the flowing fish.

The author of this poem, Weiryōshi (惟良氏), was a female attendant of Emperor Saga’s court. From this poem, it is clear that the tea brewing process described—harvesting tender tea leaves, roasting, and boiling with attention to detail—was consistent with the practices described in Tang texts like The Classic of Tea. This poetic depiction of tea culture further underscores Eijū’s significant contribution to the introduction of Tang tea culture to Japan.

Section 8: Emperor Saga and the Kōnin Tea Culture

As mentioned earlier, during the peak of cultural exchange between China and Japan in the Tang Dynasty, the practice of drinking pressed tea (饼茶) also made its way to Japan. Especially after the publication of Lu Yu’s The Classic of Tea (《茶经》) in 780, China entered its first peak of tea culture development. Japanese monks who traveled to China during this time quickly transmitted information about Chinese tea culture back to Japan. In fact, Saichō, Kōbō Daishi, and Eijū returned to Japan in 805 and 806, respectively, shortly after The Classic of Tea was published. Naturally, they took on the responsibility of conveying the latest cultural developments from the Tang Dynasty to Japan. They fulfilled the tasks entrusted to them by the Japanese government, bringing not only the emerging esoteric Buddhism and other new cultural influences back to Japan but also Chinese tea seeds, tea cakes, and tea utensils. Moreover, the meticulous imitation of Lu Yu’s method of brewing tea, seen in the tea practices of the Kōnin period, and the similarities between Kōnin tea poetry and Chinese tea poetry, suggest that The Classic of Tea, along with contemporary Chinese tea poetry, was also brought back to Japan by Saichō, Kōbō Daishi, and Eijū.

The Japanese elite, led by Emperor Saga, showed great interest and enthusiasm for the newly introduced tea culture. Emperor Saga, in particular, not only participated in tea ceremonies but also established a tea garden within the imperial palace and ordered the planting of tea in the Kansai region, aiming to ensure the long-term development of tea culture in Japan. It can be said that it was thanks to such an emperor, passionate about Chinese culture, that the presence of monks like Saichō and others was fully appreciated. The Tang Dynasty practice of brewing pressed tea was expanded and flourished during the Kōnin period, forming a distinctive “Kōnin Tea Style.” Undoubtedly, Emperor Saga was the leader of this movement.

In contrast to his father, Emperor Kammu, who was busy with state affairs and military campaigns, Emperor Saga had a strong passion for literature and, in particular, revered the culture of the Tang Dynasty. During his reign, he compiled three major collections of Chinese poetry: Ryōun-shū (凌云集, 814), Bunka-shūryū-shū (文华秀丽集, 818), and Keikoku-shū (经国集, 827). Among these, Emperor Saga contributed the most poems; in the first two collections alone, out of 239 poems, 54 were his, constituting 22% of the total. Emperor Saga was also a calligrapher, and together with Kōbō Daishi and Tachibana no Hayanari, he was known as one of the “Three Brushes of Heian.” During his time in Tang China, Kōbō Daishi studied calligraphy under the renowned master Han Fangming in Chang’an, learning the five styles of brushwork from The Art of Penmanship (授笔要说), making significant progress in his calligraphy. When Kōbō Daishi returned to Japan, he presented Emperor Saga with an original work by Ouyang Xun and a rubbing of Wang Xizhi’s Preface to the Orchid Pavilion (兰亭序). Emperor Saga, influenced by both Wang Xizhi and Kōbō Daishi, developed a distinctive calligraphy style that combined the grace of Ouyang Xun with traces of Kōbō Daishi’s brushwork. To this day, his works, Li Qiao Bai Yong (李峤百咏) and Kōtei Kai-chō (光定戒牒), remain extant.

Although Emperor Saga never personally visited China, he studied and practiced Chinese culture to such an extent that he achieved a high level of proficiency. It was in this historical context that the Kōnin Tea Style emerged. The most notable event that exemplifies the Kōnin Tea Style is a tea gathering held on April 28, 814, at the residence of Fujiwara no Fuyutsugu (藤原冬嗣) in his villa, Keikyū-in (闲居院).

Fujiwara no Fuyutsugu (775–826), the grandson of Fujiwara no Kamatari, a key figure in the Taika Reform (645), was a highly respected and influential figure in the Japanese court. At the time, Fujiwara no Fuyutsugu held the position of Right Minister and was also the General of the Left Imperial Guard, the highest military rank. Eleven years older than Emperor Saga, Fujiwara no Fuyutsugu enjoyed the emperor’s trust and respect. In the early summer of 814, when Emperor Saga was 28 and Fujiwara no Fuyutsugu was 39, they hosted a high-level tea ceremony at Keikyū-in. Along with the emperor, other distinguished attendees included Emperor Saga’s younger brother, the future Emperor Junwa, as well as Shigeno no Sadamune, the editor of Keikoku-shū, and many other high-ranking ministers. The villa was set in a serene environment, with a pond, willow trees, tall pines, bamboo, and lush moss. Under the shade of the pines, guests played the koto, while the sound of tea preparation echoed from the tea room. Some recited poetry, while others fished…

This tea gathering at Fujiwara no Fuyutsugu’s villa marked a significant moment in the development of tea culture during the Kōnin period, blending Chinese influences with the distinct characteristics of Japanese tea practices.

Section 9: A Comparison of Early Tea Drinking Activities in China and Japan

As mentioned earlier, in the early 9th century, tea, as a carrier of advanced spiritual culture, was introduced from China to Japan. From the outset, the Japanese aristocracy treated tea with great reverence. When they drank tea, they rarely considered its physical benefits—such as quenching thirst, aiding digestion, detoxifying, or refreshing the mind. Instead, they focused on the spiritual enjoyment associated with the act of drinking tea. In their view, tea was not something to be consumed casually; without poetry, music, or the company of refined friends, there was no need for tea drinking. Given that Japan’s tea culture began with a focus on spiritual culture, it can be said that the starting point of Japanese tea culture was very high.

In contrast, the situation in China was entirely different. In China, tea, as a plant from the primitive forests, gradually entered the realm of spiritual culture after long periods of use for food, medicine, and beverages. If we take Lu Yu’s The Classic of Tea (《茶经》, 780) as the marker of tea’s transition from a material substance to a spiritual cultural symbol, the history of tea as a material entity in China is much longer than its history as part of spiritual culture. The material use of tea spans at least 4,000 years, while its spiritual and cultural significance has only developed over the past 1,200 years. From a certain perspective, the starting point of Chinese tea culture was quite “low,” deeply rooted in a solid material foundation.

In the early stages of tea’s use in China, it was employed in a variety of ways. For example, fresh tea leaves were chewed, used in salads, pickled and fermented for cooking, or ground and boiled with peanuts or other ingredients to make soup or porridge. Even after tea became a beverage, it remained closely tied to daily life in the world of literati tea drinkers. The process of recognizing the spiritual aspect of tea drinking was very gradual in China and only reached full development with The Classic of Tea. Even after the publication of The Classic of Tea, there were no cultural events centered around tea, such as the comprehensive, multi-cultural tea gatherings like the one held in 814 Japan during the Kōnin tea ceremony.

To further elaborate on this point, the following summarizes the characteristics of tea drinking development in ancient China, especially those aspects that did not occur in Japan:

First, in ancient China, tea was often viewed as a remedy to alleviate physical discomfort. For example, in a letter by Liu Kun (270-314) from the Letters to My Younger Brother, Governor of Nanyang, he wrote, “I obtained two pounds of tea from Anzhou, along with a pound of ginger and a pound of cinnamon, which are all necessary. My body feels discomfort, so I often rely on true tea. Can you please send it?” This historical record suggests that, by the 4th century, tea was regarded as a common medicinal product, used alongside ginger and cinnamon to alleviate physical discomfort.

Second, in ancient China, tea was often seen as a personal preference of certain individuals. Whether one liked tea or understood its value was not used as a standard to measure a scholar’s education or refinement. For instance, in the Records of Guangzhou (by Pei Xiang, Eastern Jin), it is noted, “The tea leaves are large and bitter, and only people from the south drink it,” implying that tea was just a bitter substance consumed by Southerners. During the Eastern Jin period, the Minister Wang of the Imperial Court was known for his fondness for tea. Anyone visiting him would be urged to drink tea, and many scholars who did not like tea felt quite helpless, treating a visit to Wang as an ordeal. Another example from The Records of the Monasteries of Luoyang describes how Wang Xiao, the Governor of Yongzhou, who initially refrained from eating lamb or drinking milk but only consumed fish and tea, later came to appreciate lamb and milk. When meeting Emperor Xiaowen, he was asked to compare the quality of southern and northern products. Wang Xiao responded, saying, “Lamb is the best of land products, and fish is the best of water creatures. Though both are delicacies, lamb is better than that of the great states of Qi and Lu, and fish is worse than that of the small states of Zhu and Ju. But only tea cannot be enslaved by milk.” Wang Xiao’s response illustrates that, during the 6th century, drinking tea in northern China was still seen as a personal preference.

Third, tea was often viewed in ancient China as a beverage for meals or for entertaining guests. A passage from the Records of the Monasteries of Luoyang states, “In the capital, at noble banquets, even though tea was served, it was considered shameful not to eat. Only those from the Jiang region who had come from afar enjoyed it.” Here, tea was merely a drink at banquets, a preference of people who had come from the southern regions. Some officials from the northern dynasties, as well as early Southerners who had moved north, refused to drink it, fearing it would lower their dignity. This shows that, in 6th-century northern China, tea was considered a crude drink, not a refined beverage.

Furthermore, tea drinking in ancient China often became associated with disillusioned or impoverished scholars…

With the prosperity of the Tang Dynasty and its cultural export, the exchange of tea culture between China and Japan became increasingly frequent. From the late Tang to the Northern Song period, Japanese society was deeply influenced by Tang culture, and tea culture, in particular, continued to develop. The next article will delve deeper into the tea culture exchange between China and Japan during this period.